The Nazi Seizure of Power: The Experience of a Single German Town, 1922-1945, Revised Edition by William Sheridan Allen (PDF)

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BE SURE YOU ARE BUYING THE CORRECT BOOK. THE ISBN FOR THE NEWEST PAPERBACK EDITION OF THE NAZI SEIZURE OF POWER IS 978-1626548725. IT IS PUBLISHED BY ECHO POINT BOOKS & MEDIA.William Sheridan Allen’s research provides an intimate, comprehensive study of the mechanics of revolution and an analysis of the Nazi Party’s subversion of democracy. Beginning at the end of the Weimar Republic, Allen examines the entire period of the Nazi Revolution within a single locality.Tackling one of the 20th century’s greatest dilemmas, Allen demonstrates how this dictatorship subtly surmounted democracy and how the Nazi seizure of power encroached from below. Relying upon legal records and interviews with primary sources, Allen dissects Northeim, Germany with microscopic precision to depict the transformation of a sleepy town to a Nazi stronghold. In this cogent analysis, Allen argues that Hitler rose to power primarily through democratic tactics that incited localized support rather than through violent means.Allen’s detailed, analysis has indisputably become a classic. Revised on the basis of newly discovered Nazi documents, The Nazi Seizure of Power: The Experience of a Single German Town, 1922-1945 continues to significantly contribute to the understanding of this prominent political and moral dispute of the 1900s.William Sheridan Allen (1932-2013), a distinguished scholar of German history, traveled to the small town of Northeim in the 1950s to investigate the true nature of the Nazi Party’s rise to power. There he conducted an exhaustive study of local newspapers, periodicals, reports, budget information, crime statistics, and court cases dating from 1922-1945. The Nazi Seizure of Power synthesizes Allen’s research. Allen also edited and translated The Infancy of Nazism: The Memoirs of Ex-Gauleiter Albert Krebs, 19232-1933.

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⭐Today, Northeim is a railroad town of some 29,000 people in northern Germany. But only about 10,000 called it home in 1930, when the Nazi Party began its explosive rise to dominance throughout the country. Historian William Sheridan Allen chose the town for his study at the local level of how Hitler’s minions succeeded in an alarmingly short time. His account, The Nazi Seizure of Power, spans the years 1922 to 1945. But the heart of the book – as reflected in the subtitle of the original, 1965 edition – covered the years 1930 to 1935. It was during that period when the tiny Right-Wing splinter group called the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei) gained the support of nearly two-thirds of Northeim’s voters in three short years and then quickly moved to suppress all opposition.HOW TO EXPLAIN THE NAZI SEIZURE OF POWER?Naturally, Allen’s aim in undertaking his study was to determine how the Nazis managed to crowd out all effective opposition in such a short time. His answer to the question appears pedestrian at first. “It was the depression, or more accurately, the fear of its continued effects, that contributed most heavily to the radicalization of Northeim’s people.” Which is unsurprising, as far as it goes.But the author proceeds to qualify the statement. “Paradoxically,” he writes, “the workers remained steadfast in support of the status quo while the middle class, only marginally hurt by the economic constriction, turned to revolution.” In other words, class conflict lay at the heart of the Nazis’ success. The preponderance of German workers were members of the Socialist Party. And “it was [the middle class’s] hatred of the [Socialist Party] that drove Northeim into the arms of the Nazis. . . The attributes which made the Nazis respectable were their intense nationalism, their manipulation of religion, and the support given them by the conservatives,” i.e., the aristocrats and industrialists. If this analysis seems puzzling on its face, its accuracy becomes entirely clear in Allen’s history of the period.VIOLENCE BECAME AN EVERYDAY OCCURRENCEAllen later goes on to write, “Orderly minded people were sickened by the recurrent fights [on Northeim’s streets], but finally become inured to them. Thus the way was paved for the systematic use of violence and terror by the Nazis after Hitler came to power, and for their relatively indifferent acceptance by the people of Northeim. This was to be the prime factor in the Nazi seizure of power.”IF YOU WERE ASSAULTED, IT WOULD BE “BECAUSE YOU WOULD DESERVE IT”To demonstrate how deeply the Nazis injected themselves into the life of the townspeople, Allen quotes from a letter the Nazi Local Group Leader and mayor “sent to a young woman in 1935. ‘It has been reported to me that on the occasion of the Führer’s birthday ceremony you did not raise your arm during the singing of the Horst Wessel song and the national anthem. I call your attention to the fact that by doing this you put yourself in danger of being physically assaulted. Nor would it be possible to protect you, because you would deserve it. It is singularly provocative when people still ostentatiously exclude themselves from our racial community by actions like yours. Heil Hitler!'”NO JEWS WERE KILLED IN NORTHEIM, AND FEW WENT TO CONCENTRATION CAMPSCuriously, “there was hardly any manifest anti-Semitic action by the Nazis in Northeim during the last ten years of the Third Reich.” In 1930, at the outset of the period observed in Allen’s account, some 120 Jews lived in the town out of a total population of about 10,000, a proportion (one percent) that was roughly the same as that for Germany as a whole. But “by the time Hitler determined to murder all the Jews in his power, as his ‘Final Solution,'” Allen writes, “almost all of Northeim’s Jews had left the town for a bigger city and supposed anonymity, or had gone to another country for safety.Northeimers did not harass their Jewish neighbors, but they also did their best not to ‘know’ what their government was doing to the Jews. By then, apathy and psychological denial had become a way of life.” Later, the author adds, “no one was killed, and very few were sent to a concentration camp from Northeim during the early years of the Nazi regime.”AN ACADEMIC ACCOUNT THAT IS OFTEN DULLI wish a journalist had written this book rather than a historian. The story would have been easier to read and more engaging if the author had related the town’s history through the lives of individual people. A few prominent names do surface throughout the book. The Leader of the Local Group of the Nazi Party who made himself mayor of the town throughout the years of the Third Reich. The local businessman who served as one of the town’s senators during the Weimar Republic and led opposition efforts during the Nazi takeover. And a senior civil servant who was, in effect, the town’s city manager. All three struck me as interesting enough to warrant portrayal in depth. But instead Allen merely referred to them again and again while describing the speeches, meetings, and marches that dominated the political process in the years 1930 to 1935.ABOUT THE AUTHORWilliam Sheridan Allen (1932–2013) retired in 2001 as professor of history at the State University of New York at Buffalo. The Nazi Seizure of Power, published in 1965, was his first book. But he made extensive revisions and additions to the text nearly two decades later, based on newly unearthed documentary sources. The book’s original subtitle was “The Experience of a Single German Town, 1930–1935,” but either he or his publisher rewrote it for the revised edition to encompass the full history of the Nazi Party in Germany.

⭐An interesting book that tells how the nazi party took control of a German town and how they controlled the town till the end of the war.

⭐It was a helpful way to shed light on results from people’s actions or inactions. Every voter should read this book.

⭐>The Nazi Seizure of Power< is a solid history book, good enough for use in a college-history syllabus, which is where I came across it. It is something of an eye-opener. Nazism, i.e. "National Socialist German-worker Party" is as enigmatic at the working level as its name is long, which helps it hoodwink German voters and prove that you can establish a dictatorship as easily with ballots as you can with bullets.Nazism in "Thalburg," Professor Allen's sample pseudonym city, was never an overnight sensation but the result of tireless effort by legions of party workers, who were ignorant of Nazism's true intentions:1) A housewife put it clearly: "The ranks of the (Nazis) were filled with young people. The people who joined did so because they were for social justice, or opposed to unemployment."2) Others joined because it looked as though the Nazis would be victorious, and they hoped to profit.3) "Most who joined did so because they wanted a hard, sharp, clear leadership. They were disgusted with the internal political strife of parliamentary party politics."One cannot read >The Nazi Seizure of Power< and not be impressed at the sophisticated organizing technique that the Nazis employed to sway the elections:1) In the early months of 1930, the (Nazis) held a meeting nearly every week, advertised with such titles as "The German Worker as Interest-slave of Big International Capitalists," or "Saving the Middle Class in the National Socialist State."2) In newspaper advertisements, Thalburgers were urged to give deeply. "Sacrifice" was the key word.Before the Nazis could succeed, they had to break the hold of private organizations:1) There is a proverb, "Two Germans, three clubs." This was almost true of Thalburg where, in 1930, there were no fewer than 161 clubs.2) There were 21 sports clubs, 47 with an economic or occupational function, 23 religious or charitable societies.3) With hardly an exception, they followed the town's class lines.The Nazis also had to abolish distinctions between schools:1) There were three public primary schools, arranged so that children could also secure religious orientation.2) Burgerschule 1 was Lutheran; the Katholische Volksschule served Catholic children; Burgerschule 2 was non-denominational.3) Each school had its own School Advisory Council, elected by the pupils' parents.The abolition of private or exclusive spaces by the Nazis was a process they called "Gleichschaltung," i.e. linking to one source:1) Eventually no independent social groups were to exist. All of society would exist whereby each individual related not to his fellow man but only to the State.2) What social cohesion there had been in the town existed in the club life, and this was destroyed in the early months of Nazi rule.3) With their social organizations gone and with terror a reality, Thalburgers were isolated from one another. By reducing the people to unconnected social atoms, the Nazis could move the resulting mass in whatever direction they wished.The Nazi leader in Thalburg was "Kurt Aergeyz," not his real name. Aergeyz was "cynical, ruthless, and brutal." Indeed his name means "ambition" in German:1) It is possible to construe the actions of Kurt Aergeyz, after he came to power, as expressive of class divisions. Nothing is more difficult than discovering the truth about personal motivation, but many of the actions taken by Aergeyz suggest they were a product of social resentment.2) Kurt Aergeyz was possibly attempting to triumph over the environment in which he had grown up and which condemned him to the condescension of his social betters.With an Presidential election coming up, >The Nazi Seizure of Power< is a worthwhile read. ⭐Great book for those interested in Hitler and how he became the Früher of Germany, a democratic state. Allen uses a typical, and in my ways untypical, of Germany during the depression and how that affected their views upon the Nazi party and Hitler. ⭐Sehr gutes Buch. Grundlagenforschung aus der Nachkriegszeit. Hier erfährt man, wie die Nazis eine Stadt erobert haben. Auch Historiker erfahren hier noch Neues.Wehret den Anfängen!L'engrenage et la mise sous silence et terreur du ville où plus personne n'ose parler sauf pour dénoncer son voisin ⭐

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